| When I heard last week that Foreign Affairs Minister Pierre Pettigrew laid a wreath on the grave of Yasser Arafat on behalf of Canadians, I decided to embark on an unscientific experiment. Two weekend gatherings of academics, journalists, lawyers, doctors, business people, engineers and pilots -- about 60 in all -- gave me an opportunity to conduct an impromptu survey of my own. The sample of my acquaintances, as it turned out, had two things in common. One, they were all Canadians, living in the Toronto area. Two, not one of them would have joined Mr. Pettigrew in honouring the late Palestinian chairman. Most would have simply declined. Some would have declined emphatically. One, a Canadian of Jewish-Moroccan background, would have offered to spit on Mr. Arafat's grave. I make no claims for my sample to have been anything but small and unrepresentative. It illustrated, though, that Mr. Pettigrew laid his wreath on behalf of like-minded Canadians rather than Canadians in general. He certainly didn't lay it on behalf of any Canadian I interviewed. In fairness to the Foreign Affairs Minister, the urge to speak for entire populations is strong across the political spectrum. Alastair Gordon, president of the Canadian Coalition for Democracies, a lobby group that protested Mr. Pettigrew's gesture, wrote in a press release that "surely Canadians would choose to honour the victims of terrorism" rather than honouring dead terrorists. But much as I wish Mr. Gordon were right, I've no idea who "Canadians" or even "most Canadians" would choose to honour. When Mao Tse-tung died, a Canadian headline writer selected the words "Mao, The Great Humanitarian" to herald the editorial eulogy that followed. I should have thought that whatever word one picked to describe the progenitor of mass starvation and re-education camps, "humanitarian" wouldn't be a contender -- but I would have been wrong, at least in terms of one major Canadian newspaper. I wish that Mr. Pettigrew laid his wreath for no Canadians, but I've little doubt he laid it for some -- probably including the erstwhile headline writer, if he's still with us. There are Canadians who mistake tyrants and terrorists for humanitarians. It's a pity that one of them is Foreign Affairs Minister, but there it is. Anyway, Mr. Pettigrew wasn't breaking new ground. When alive, Mr. Arafat was received by the Pope. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. He addressed the United Nations. During the 1990s, he all but had the run of the Clinton White House. No disrespect, but Mr. Pettigrew's wreath is small potatoes compared with the honours Mr. Arafat received. Unlike politicians or lobbyists, I don't speak for "most Canadians." I speak only for myself. But in November, when Mr. Arafat, 75, was transported to a Paris hospital, it seemed to me that though he would soon be dead, he wouldn't be dead soon enough. As he lay dying, men in the best of health would be buried before the Palestinian leader: younger men; men who took no risks, sought no martyrdom, Israeli men and Palestinian men (and women, too, of course), for no other reason than that Mr. Arafat, arch-terrorist, was still alive. Some would also die, as they had before, not because of Mr. Arafat, but for him. They would die voluntarily, deliberately laying down their lives for an agenda they shared with the late chairman: a Palestine "from the river to the sea," meaning a state built for Palestinians not next door to the Jewish state, but on its ashes. Mr. Arafat would die because he had lived for 75 years, because he was sick, because his time had come. But why would others die -- in good health, before their time, even as children? It seemed to me false to suggest that these people would die for Palestinian statehood. Palestinian statehood was available without anyone dying for it. Palestinians could have achieved it long ago, not only at Oslo in the 1990s, or at Madrid in the 1980s, or at Camp David in the 1970s, but much earlier, in the 1930s even, before Israel came into being, when the Peel Commission recommended partitioning Palestine. It wasn't Mr. Arafat's fault that the Arab side rejected partition then -- he was little more than a toddler -- but when he became old enough to choose, he chose rejection himself. He chose hate, negation, corruption and terror. Far from being Israel's "partner in peace," Mr. Arafat represented rejection. He wanted peace not with Israel but without it. "The end of Israel is the goal of our struggle," he told the Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci in 1972. "Peace for us means the destruction of Israel and nothing else." Mr. Arafat could have evolved from a terrorist to a statesman, but he only evolved from a penniless terrorist to a millionaire terrorist. He evolved from a bandit to a bandit with a Nobel Peace Prize, a bandit with a wreath from Mr. Pettigrew on his grave. Had he come a long way? Yes, as measured by newspaper headlines. No, as measured by history. |


